按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！
a pothole the car still bounces； but have you ever been in one that didn't have a shock absorber？ If you have a good； strong shock absorber； at least you get through the pothole and you're still driving in the same direction that you thought you were when you hit it。
WILLIAM McDONOUGH：我们必须改进游戏规则。你希望金融系统实际上就象汽车里的减震器。当你碰到了一个坑的时候，汽车仍然弹起，但是你有没有坐过不带减震器的汽车。如果你有一个好的，强壮的减震器，至少你可以开过这个坑，而且还可以沿着你认为你碰到这个坑时的前进的方向继续前行。
LEE HSIEN LOONG： I think the morale is that there are risks to globalization。 But in the end there is no alternative to globalization。 So don't let your banks go lend recklessly； don't allow bubbles to get out of hand。 Keep prudent measures； sound economic policies which will inspire confidence and maintain confidence so in a crisis people will know that you will stay the course and won't panic and be up and off。 It's easier said than done； but these are the principles you have to follow。
李显龙：我认为全球化确实有风险。但是，归根结底没有什么能替代全球化。所以，不要让你的银行不计后果地向外贷款，不要允许泡沫离开你的手掌（失去控制）。保持严格的措施，正确的经济政策，它们将激发人们的信心和保持人们的信心。这样，在一个危机中，人们就知道了你会保持大方向。于是，人们就不会因恐慌而上窜下跳。说比做容易，但是，这些就是你必须遵循的原则。
LAWRENCE SUMMERS； ； 19992001： We had a close call。 And without an activist international policy； you could have seen perhaps a serious and economic downturn as we'd seen any time since the Great Depression。 And that's why we need to continue to understand the dynamics of financial crisis better。 And that's why especially the United States needs to be prepared to take a lead in working to contain financial crises。
萨莫斯，美国财政部长，19992001：我们侥幸逃过一劫。如果没有一个积极的国际政策，你们就有可能看到自从大萧条以来的一次严重的经济大滑坡。这是为什么我们需要继续对金融危机的成因做更深刻的了解。这就是为什么美国特别需要作好准备在遏制金融危机的工作中起主导作用的原因。
NARRATOR： For many Americans； the world financial crisis created new unease about the risks of the global economy。
旁白：对很多美国人来说，世界金融危机给他们带来了对全球经济的风险的新的不安。
LORI WALLACH； Global Trade Watch： People sense the instability of it。 They get indicators of it； but they sense it。 They get indicators like big meltdowns； like the financial crises in Asia。 But they also get indicators of things like； you know； the local bank which just keeps getting merged and renamed。 And like your card does work； and it doesn't work； and the name keeps changing every three weeks。 And you bine that with the real financial cataclysms like the Asian meltdown； and a lot of people in their everyday life are seeing this sort of outofcontrol scenario very personally。 You know； it's out of their personal control。
LORI WALLACH，全球贸易观察：人们感觉到它的不稳定性。他们可以得到它的提示，但是他们去感觉它。他们得到诸如大的下滑，亚洲金融危机这样的提示。但是他们也可以得到诸如，你知道，地方银行不断地合并，改名等，这样的提示。就象你的银行卡，有时可以用，有时又不能用，名字每三个星期就改一次。你就会将这些与真正的金融灾难，比如这一次的亚洲风暴联系起来。很多人在他们的日常生活中会把这种失去控制的事态看得很个人化。你知道，这是超乎他们得个人控制范围的。
NARRATOR： For critics like Lori Wallach； this was an opportunity。 Together with allies in labor unions； they began to channel public anxiety into what came to be known as the antiglobalization movement。
旁白：对于LORI WALLACH这样的批评家来说，这是一个机会。他们联合他们在工会的同盟，开始将公众的焦虑引入为大家所知的反全球化的运动。
书包 网 。 想看书来
Chapter 16： The Battle Joined ＇5：08＇
第十六章： 斗争加入了
Onscreen caption： Seattle； December 1999
字幕：西雅图，1999年12月
The World Trade anization； known as the WTO； manages the rules that govern global trade。 In late 1999； delegates from 135 nations gathered in Seattle。 They planned to launch a new round of negotiations that would expand trade even further。 Instead； Seattle was a watershed。
世界贸易组织，即WTO， 管理着指导全球贸易的规则。1999年末，来自135个国家的代表相聚在西雅图。他们本来计划要开始新一轮的能够进一步扩大贸易的谈判。然而，西雅图却成为了一个转折点。
DANIEL YERGIN： As one could see from the way Seattle exploded； it really caught the people of the World Trade anization meeting there quite by surprise。 The World Trade anization meeting became a lightning rod for all of those people across this very broad spectrum who are concerned by some aspect of globalization or what they perceive as globalization or by the causes that animate and move them。
DANIEL YERGIN：正象我们可以从西雅图的爆炸中所看到的那样，它确实让参加世界贸易组织会议的人们吃了一大惊。这一届的世界贸易组织会议对于那些各个领域的对全球化的某些方面或他们认为的全球化或激励并推动他们的原因感到担忧的人来说，无异于一个导火索。
LESBIAN AVENGERS： The WTO； which is led by CEOs of the pany that make bovine growth hormone； get to make rules saying that these countries can't ban an unsafe product。
LESBIAN AVENGERS：被那些生产牛的催长荷尔蒙的公司的首席执行官们所操纵的世界贸易组织，要制定规则规定这些国家不能明令禁止这种不安全的产品。
NARRATOR： While the protestors represented an array of interest groups； the majority were from American labor unions； which had bussed in thousands of their members。
旁白：这些抗议者代表了一部分利益集团，但是，大多数抗议者是由美国的各个工会用大轿车运来的，成千上万的会员。
THEA LEE： People came together from all over the world in Seattle to say that the rules of the current global economy as embodied in the World Trade anization are unfair。 They're bad for developing countries； they're bad for workers； and they're bad for the environment。
THEA LEE：来自世界各地的人们都汇集在西雅图。他们想说的是世界贸易组织所涵盖的现行的全球贸易的规则是不公平的。它们不利于发展中国家，它们不利于工人们，而且它们也不利于环境。
NARRATOR： In the 1990s； the expanding ； but unions' share of the workforce had fallen dramatically。 The AFLCIO blamed cheap labor overseas。 As an example； they pointed to this factory in China； where workers are paid five dollars a day to make bicycles once built in America。
旁白：在90年代，不断发展的美国经济创造了1700万新工作，但是，工会会员所占的比例却下降很多。美国劳工运动组织就抱怨海外的廉价劳动力。例如：他们就曾指着这家中国的工厂。那里的工人生产曾在美国生产的自行车，每天的报酬只有5个美元。
THEA LEE： Our workers are in direct petition to workers overseas。 We can't control whether every single job stays in the United States or not； but it's another thing to lose jobs to workers who are not represented by independent trade unions。 And so that changes the nature of petition that American workers face。
THEA LEE：我们的工人与海外的工人处于直接的竞争当中。我们无法控制每一个单独的工作能否都被留在美国境内， 但是，工作被那些没有参加独立的工会组织的工人所得到，是另一回事。所以，这就改变了美国工人所面临的竞争的性质。
NARRATOR： Countries that opened their markets saw their overall wealth and living standards increase； yet the politics of trade were less straightforward than the economics。
旁白：那些开放了本国市场的国家看到了它们整体的财富及生活水平提高了，但是，贸易的政治学是没有经济学这么直截了当的。
LAWRENCE SUMMERS： It's always difficult to sell open markets。 There's a basic cost of open markets。 Whether it's somebody losing a job particularly or very obvious； the benefits are much less clear。 Who said on Christmas day； "；Gosh； thanks without open markets I would have been only able to buy half as many toys for my kid"；？ Or whoever says； "；You know； I'm not that great a worker； but they really had no choice to promote me given the surge and export demand"；？ On the other hand； every job loss that can be remotely connected to international trade； people do。 So this problem of invisible beneficiaries and visible losers is one that bedevils the political economy of trade。
萨莫斯：要推销开放市场总是很困难的。开放市场有一个基本的成本。无论是某个人丢了一份工作或是很明显，收益远没有损失那么清楚。谁在圣诞节时会说：“上帝啊，谢谢——如果没有开放的市场，我只能给我的孩子买今天一半的玩具。”？或者，谁会说：“你知道，我并不是那么好的一个工人，可是它们因为经济的快速增长和出口需求增加，实在没有其他选择而只有提拔我了。”？而另一方面，每一个丢掉的工作，只要能把它与国际贸易联系起来，人们就会这样做。因此，看不见的受益者和看得见的失败者就把贸易的政治经济给妖魔化了。
THEA LEE： The truth is that the business munity has very good access to the international institution and to their own governments。 And we hit the streets because we feel that we have a hard time getting our government to listen； or that our governments are unresponsive to the concerns that we've raised。 And we think we can do better。 We think we could write a set of rules for the global economy that would ensure that corporations had to live up to a minimum standard。
THEA LEE：事实是，商业社团很容易接触到国际机构以及它们本国的政府。因为我们感觉到要让我们的政府倾听我们的声音太难了或因为我们的政府对我们提出的所关注的问题不予理睬，我们就上街抗议了。而且我们认为我们可以做得更好。我们认为我们可以为全球经济制定一套规则以确保所有的公司必须要达到一个最低的标准。
NARRATOR： But inside the Seattle meeting； the unions' demands met stiff resistance from the developing world。 They wa