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NARRATOR： But inside the Seattle meeting； the unions' demands met stiff resistance from the developing world。 They wanted more trade； not less。 Poorer countries charged that America and Europe unfairly protect industries with powerful union and business support。
旁白：但是，在西雅图会议上，工会的要求遇到了发展中国家的强烈抵触。他们要求更多的贸易，而不是更少。贫穷的国家批评美国和欧洲通过他们强大的工会和商业社团的支持，不公平地保护他们本国的工业。
JAIRAM RAMESH； Senior Economic Advisor to India's Congress Party； 19911998： The fact is the rules of the game are tilted in favor of the economically powerful。 I understand； I respect that； and until India is economically powerful we are not going to be able to influence the rules of the game。 Let's take the textile trade。 Now all textile imports into America； for example； are governed by quotas。 Every country is allocated a certain quota。 It's not free trade。 It's managed trade。 America is free to sell textiles to us； but we are not free to sell textiles to America。
JAIRAM RAMESH，印度国大党的高级经济顾问，1991 – 1998：事实是游戏的规则向有利于经济强国的方面倾斜。我可以理解。 我认为直到印度成为一个经济强国，否则我们无法影响游戏规则的制定。让我们来看一看纺织品贸易。比如，现在所有要进口到美国的纺织品都要受配额的限制。每个国家被分配一定数量的配额。
NARRATOR： Developing countries fed a negotiating bloc to make Western markets more open。
旁白：发展中国家组成了一个谈判集团以迫使西方更加开放他们的市场。
DELEGATE： This should not be a time when big countries； strong countries； the world's wealthiest countries； are setting about a process designed to enrich themselves。
代表：这不应该是那些大国，强盛的国家，世界上最富有的国家开始一个为了使他们自己更富有的过程的时候。
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Chapter 17： Failure at the Summit ＇4：58＇
第十七章： 峰会的失败
NARRATOR： Bill Clinton had been a leading proponent of expanded trade； but the protests forced him into a political corner。 A presidential election was about to begin； and Democrats needed union support。 In a speech to WTO delegates； Clinton appeared to side with the protestors on the streets。
旁白：比尔克林顿一直是贸易扩张的主要支持者，但是抗议声使他退缩到一个政治角落里，总统大选就要开始了，民主党需要工会的支持，在对世界贸易组织代表发表的一次演讲中，克林顿表现出对街头示威者的支持。
BILL CLINTON： I condemn the small number who were violent and who tried to prevent you from meeting； but I'm glad the others showed up； because they represent millions of people who are now asking questions about whether this enterprise will in fact take us all where we want to go。
比尔克林顿：我谴责那一小部分使用暴力并阻止你们###的人，但是，我很高兴，有些人站了出来，因为他们代表了数百万正在问这样一个问题的人们：这个企业是否会把我们带到我们想要去的地方？
NEWT GINGRICH： I think his speech at Seattle was an absolute disgrace and an act of strategic defeat for him。 I think they were gearing up for the election； and appeasing the unions to elect Gore was more important than standing for free trade。
NEWT GINGRICH：我认为，在西雅图发表的这次演讲绝对是个耻辱，是他的一次战略失败。我认为，他们在为选举做调整，安抚工会，让他们支持戈尔比克林顿支持自由贸易更加重要。
NARRATOR： Clinton instructed American WTO negotiators to keep protections for key
旁白：克林顿指示美国世贸组织谈判人员，让他们尽量保护关键的美国工业部门，这次高峰会以失败而告终，所有发展中国家的领导人都发誓阻挠下一轮贸易谈判的举行，除非他们的要求被认真地考虑。
MAHATHIR BIN MOHAMAD： We believe in trade； but we didn't believe in just being a market for other people。 So when you talk about opening markets； you talk about the rich people who can manufacture goods with added value and sell them in our markets； not the other way round。
马哈蒂尔：我们相信贸易，但是，我们不想让市场仅仅是为其他人服务的市场，因此，当你们讨论开放市场的时候，你们谈论的是那些能制造具有增加值的产品并在我们的市场上销售，而不是另外一种方式。
NARRATOR： Countries like Tanzania that rely on foreign aid claimed they wouldn't need the aid； if they could only sell their products to the West。
旁白：一些象坦桑尼亚那样依赖于国外援助的国家宣布，如果他们能将自己的产品销往西方国家，他们将不再需要援助了。
BENJAMIN MKAPA； President of Tanzania： You see； we talk about a level playing field； but in fact it is very much tilted in their favor。 We would earn so much more than we are possibly getting by bilateral aid if those markets were just open to us； literally by billions。
BENJAMIN MKAPA，坦桑尼亚总统：你们知道，我们在讨论一个水平的竞赛场地，但是实际上场地大大向他们有利的方向倾斜。如果那些市场能向我们开放，那么我们所可能获得的利润要远远超过通过双边援助的数量，可能会超过数十亿。
NARRATOR： Global poverty soon became the galvanizing issue among globalization's opponents。 In the wake of Seattle； control of the protest movement began to shift from unions to a disparate network of grassroots activists。
旁白：全球贫困问题将很快成为反对全球化的重大问题，在西雅图会议之后，对抗议行动的控制开始从工会转向一个完全不同的基层激进分子的网络。
JAGGI SINGH； Activist； Canada： We're trying to move from the politics of protest to the politics of liberation。 It's not simply trying to create a kinder； gentler capitalism。 It's not simply trying to negotiate the terms of our misery； to make our misery less miserable。 It's about changing the world； it's about creating institutions； structures； and frameworks； munities and neighborhoods that are based on our values； which are values of social justice； of mutual aid； of solidarity； of direct democracy。 And we're a long way from where we want to go； but we have to start now。
JAGGI SINGH； 激进分子，加拿大：我们正试图从抗议的政治行动转向解放的政治行动，并不仅仅是要创造一个更善良、更温和的资本主义制度，也并仅仅是要就我们的艰难处境进行谈判以减轻我们的苦难，而是要改变这个世界，要以我们的价值观（社会公正、互相帮助、团结、直接民主）为基础，创造新的制度、结构、框架、社团和社区。我们还有很长的路要走，但是我们必须现在就开始行动。
Onscreen caption： World Bank/IMF meeting
Washington； ； April 2000
字幕：世界银行／国际货币基金组织会议
华盛顿特区，２０００年４月
NARRATOR： One of the protestors' next targets was the World Bank； an institution whose sole purpose is to reduce poverty in developing countries。
旁白：一名抗议者的下一个抨击目标是世界银行，一个以在发展中国家消除贫困为唯一宗旨的机构。
JAMES WOLFENSOHN； President； The World Bank： When you see someone outside a barricade attacking you vehemently because of something called globalization； you have to wonder what it is they're getting at。 It enrages me when you have people who assume they have the moral high ground against a team of people here who are devoting their lives to addressing the very questions that these people claim to be addressing。
詹姆斯华盛顿，行长，世界银行：当你看到路障外面有人对你猛烈攻击，原因是一个被称之为全球化的问题，你不得不考虑他们到底是为了什么，当一群人认为他们有坚实的道德立场并用来反对一群毕生致力与解决那些他们宣称要解决的问题的时候，我感到非常愤怒。
NARRATOR： But the protests had bee impossible to ignore。 Inside the World Bank and other institutions； officials struggled to make sense of the growing debate。
旁白：抗议形势已经发展到不可忽略的地步，在世界银行和其它机构内部，官员们也在努力地试图理解这个越来越激烈的辩论。
NEMAT SHAFIK； Vice President； The World Bank： Well； the protest movement is multifaceted； and the anger is multifaceted； but there clearly is a sense of losing control and a sense of alienation。 The old structures and the old institutions and the old lines aren't working anymore； and I think we're at a stage where is this extraordinary chaos in international anizations； in international rules of the game； that we're trying to define； and we're not there yet。 And I think； like in any chaotic situation when you're in the middle of it； you don't see the way out； but I think what we're observing the series of protests； the series of engagements is part of the process of ing towards some new structure for managing a global economy。
NEMAT SHAFIK； 副行长，世界银行：这场抗议运动是多反面的，愤怒也是多方面的，但是，很明显，这里有一种失控和疏远的感觉，旧的结构、体制和阵线已经不再起作用了，而且我认为我们正处在这样一个阶段：国际组织和国际游戏规则充满了混乱，而我们正试图重心对它们加以定义，但目前我们还没能做到这一点。我认为，象处在任何混乱局势之中的时候一样，你看不到出路，但是我想我们所看到的一切——一系列的抗议、一系列的接触——都是通向某种全球经济管理新结构的过程的一部分。
Chapter 18： The Global Divide ＇2：33＇
第十八章： 全球分裂
NARRATOR： Globalization did not cause global poverty； but it did make us more aware of it。 And by creating a single global market； it raised the question of how that market benefits the world's poorest nations。
旁白：全球化并没有导致全球贫困，但是它的确让我们更加意识到贫困的存在。而要创造单一的全球市场则提出了这样一个问题：这个市场如何能使世界上最贫穷的国家受益。
DANIEL YERGIN： We are seeing around the world a movement towards greater reliance on markets； greater confidence in markets。 But for that confidence to last it has to be seen that these markets are fair； that they are delivering the benefits widely； that people are benefiting from them。 And if they don't have that kind of legitimacy； then the confidence is not going to remain； and the markets will be vulnerable to disruption and be replaced by other k